Style Guide

http://www.economist.com/styleguide/introduction

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The first requirement of The Economist is that it should be readily understandable. Clarity of writing usually follows clarity of thought. So think what you want to say, then say it as simply as possible. Keep in mind George Orwell's six elementary rules ("Politics and the English Language", 1946):

1. Never use a Metaphor, simile or other figure of speech which you are used to seeing in print.
2. Never use a long word where a short one will do (see Short words).
3. If it is possible to cut out a word, always cut it out (see Unnecessary words).
4. Never use the Passive where you can use the active.
5. Never use a foreign phrase, a scientific word or a Jargon word if you can think of an everyday English equivalent.
6. Break any of these rules sooner than say anything outright barbarous (see Iconoclasm).

Read the full Style Guide introduction.

Readers are primarily interested in what you have to say. By the way in which you say it you may encourage them either to read on or to give up. If you want them to read on:

Do not be stuffy. “To write a genuine, familiar or truly English style”, said Hazlitt, “is to write as anyone would speak in common conversation who had a thorough command or choice of words or who could discourse with ease, force and perspicuity setting aside all pedantic and oratorical flourishes.”

Use the language of everyday speech, not that of spokesmen, lawyers or bureaucrats (so prefer let to permit, people to persons, buy topurchase, colleague to peer, way out to exit, present to gift, rich towealthy, show to demonstrate, break to violate). Pomposity and long-windedness tend to obscure meaning, or reveal the lack of it: strip them away in favour of plain words.

Do not be hectoring or arrogant. Those who disagree with you are not necessarily stupid or insane. Nobody needs to be described as silly: let your analysis show that he is. When you express opinions, do not simply make assertions. The aim is not just to tell readers what you think, but to persuade them; if you use arguments, reasoning and evidence, you may succeed. Go easy on the oughts and shoulds.

Do not be too pleased with yourself. Don't boast of your own cleverness by telling readers that you correctly predicted something or that you have a scoop. You are more likely to bore or irritate them than to impress them.

Do not be too chatty. Surprise, surprise is more irritating than informative. So is Ho, ho and, in the middle of a sentence, wait for it, etc.

Do not be too didactic. If too many sentences begin Compare,Consider, Expect, Imagine, Look at, Note, Prepare for, Rememberor Take, readers will think they are reading a textbook (or, indeed, a style book). This may not be the way to persuade them to renew their subscriptions.

Do your best to be lucid (“I see but one rule: to be clear”, Stendhal). Simple sentences help. Keep complicated constructions and gimmicks to a minimum, if necessary by remembering the New Yorker's comment: “Backward ran the sentences until reeled the mind.”

The following letter from a reader may be chastening:

SIR—At times just one sentence in The Economist can give us hours of enjoyment, such as “Yet German diplomats in Belgrade failed to persuade their government that it was wrong to think that the threat of international recognition of Croatia and Slovenia would itself deter Serbia.”
During my many years as a reader of your newspaper, I have distilled two lessons about the use of our language. Firstly, it is usually easier to write a double negative than it is to interpret it. Secondly, unless the description of an event which is considered to be not without consequence includes a double or higher-order negative, then it cannot be disproven that the writer has neglected to eliminate other interpretations of the event which are not satisfactory in light of other possibly not unrelated events which might not have occurred at all.
For these reasons, I have not neglected your timely reminder that I ought not to let my subscription lapse. It certainly cannot be said that I am an unhappy reader.
—WILLARD DUNNING

Mark Twain described how a good writer treats sentences: “At times he may indulge himself with a long one, but he will make sure there are no folds in it, no vaguenesses, no parenthetical interruptions of its view as a whole; when he has done with it, it won't be a sea-serpent with half of its arches under the water; it will be a torch-light procession.”

Long paragraphs, like long sentences, can confuse the reader. “The paragraph”, according to Fowler, “is essentially a unit of thought, not of length; it must be homogeneous in subject matter and sequential in treatment.” One-sentence paragraphs should be used only occasionally.

Clear thinking is the key to clear writing. “A scrupulous writer”, observed Orwell, “in every sentence that he writes will ask himself at least four questions, thus: What am I trying to say? What words will express it? What image or idiom will make it clearer? Is this image fresh enough to have an effect? And he will probably ask himself two more: Could I put it more shortly? Have I said anything that is avoidably ugly?”

Scrupulous writers will also notice that their copy is edited only lightly and is likely to be used. It may even be read.

街知巷聞﹕炮台山 舊商場記憶

【明報專訊】每次乘電車經過英皇道，成報大廈和舊皇都戲院對出那兩個微斜的大彎位，總是令人隱隱感到刺激又期待。

陡峭的山勢和斜路，交錯的樓梯，連綿整排的舊樓，從早到晚都絡繹不絕的途人；入夜，「天龍會」亮霓虹燈，破落之中帶點龍蛇混雜的感覺；一街之隔，卻是寧靜的教堂、學校、中產住宅群。

炮台山的面貌，有種說不出所以然的曖昧和壯觀。

在正式的行政分區裏，其實沒有天后和炮台山，銅鑼灣以東就是北角；但炮台山也不是純粹因應地鐵站而生的地名。早在英人佔領香港島時，就找出港島北岸最北的岬角，命名為「北角」（North Point），並在山坡上建炮台堡壘，與對岸的滿清軍對峙，故有「炮台山」之名。及至九龍半島也割讓予英國，炮台山便不再是戰略要地，英人遂把山坡開闢為炮台山道和堡壘街。

作為口頭上的地方名，天后、炮台山和北角如何劃分，因應各人的觀感而異；較客觀的標準是按兩個地鐵站的中間點劃界，銅鑼灣街市以南可算天后，舊皇都戲院以東便是北角了，炮台山大致就在前述的兩個大彎位之間，並由英皇道往海旁及半山延伸。

看街名知用途

中西區街道多以洋人高官名人命名，由天后至北角一帶街名，卻多與開闢時的用途相關，看街名而知發展脈絡。上世紀初，渣甸洋行和太古洋行分別以銅鑼灣和魚涌為基地，兩區的辦事處、工廠、貨倉碼頭林立，夾在中間的炮台山和北角仍然荒僻。發展的契機是1919年，香港電燈公司在灣仔的發電廠無法應付日益增加的電力需求，遂在炮台山對出海面填海，建成新發電廠，新廠址兩旁的街道均以電力為名，東面的為「電廠街」，西面的英文為「Power Street」，中文則把power理解作力量，譯為「大強街」。沿海道路原屬筲箕灣道的一部分，於1929年完成改善工程後，命名為電氣道，直通銅鑼灣。

電廠的設置，加上英皇道於1935年開通，帶動北角成為港島的新工業區，而炮台山則為這工業區的後勤倉儲之地，例如今日的和富中心從前是均益倉庫公司的用地，蜆殼街和油街一帶則有蜆殼公司的四個石油庫。及至1980年代，人口增長，港島市區地供不應求，電廠和油庫相繼遷往更邊陲的鴨洲，原址建起商廈、住宅和龍頭屋苑「城市花園」，炮台山轉型為中產住宅為主的區域。

來到炮台山，不得不提這裏的商場特色。沿英皇道兩旁的住宅大多在1960、70年代建成，有別於其他舊區的單幢樓，這批樓宇是數座相連、有升降機的多層大型建築群，底層均設有劃分成多個小舖位的街坊商場，像嘉信大廈地下的七海商業中心、英皇中心地庫商場、北角中心大廈低層的新時代廣場等，粗略數來，短短一截英皇道沿途就有五六個這樣的商場。

它們的共同特徵是老舊、門面不起眼、人流少、生意零落，說得難聽一點，「死場」是也。裏面林林總總的小生意，像美容美甲、中醫診所、占卜算命、影印店、網購公司的倉庫、茶莊、漫畫店、髮型屋、外傭中介公司等，相互為鄰，也沒有固定營業時間，高興就開門，有些彷彿很久沒回來了，門縫間信件積了一地，開門也無非是跟朋友街坊閒聊，不見顧客，常有空置舖位。

新時代廣場 港式商場空間

提及這些中小型商場，並無貶意，倒是想點出它們作為一道本土文化風景的價值。葉偉信因拍了《葉問》而踏上事業高峰，但一些影迷更愛他出道之初的低成本小品，像是被譽為香港喪屍cult片代表作的《生化壽屍》，差不多整套戲都在新時代廣場內拍攝，裏頭擁擠狹窄如迷宮的通道、五花八門的小店舖、低度管理、沒有規則可循的空間，與瀰漫港式惡趣味的喪屍故事相輔相成。這種商場，外人走進去只覺無所適從，熟悉環境的商戶（如戲裏的陳小春和李燦森），卻像回到家裏般自由自在。然而，隨大財團和領匯式管理思維的入侵，市民消費習慣亦愈來愈傾向追慕連鎖店、大品牌，這些曾經非常地道的港式商場空間，近年皆被視為落伍，為主流所淘汰了。

國都廣場 機仔聚首天堂

驟眼看去，人們或許更欣賞翻新了的國都廣場，光鮮，舒適，沒有霉舊的氣味。其實國都廣場於1990年代末重建之前，原亦是住宅樓宇跟底層商場的落局，除了已結業的國都戲院外，國都大廈商場還曾經是遊戲碟和動漫產品的「重鎮」。北角半山中小學林立，也許造就了國都的繁盛。90年代在炮台山讀中學的阿森憶述，當年灣仔東方188仍主要賣電腦產品，筲箕灣天悅商場規模較細，國都可說是港島區遊戲玩家必到之地。而且各家店舖都會在門前擺放大電視和遊戲機供人試玩，玩得出色的吸引途人圍觀，氣氛熱鬧，那時互聯網尚未發達，國都讓遊戲玩家得以交流資訊和心得，學生哥留連忘返，但品流並不複雜。

往日的香港常被形容為「翻版天堂」，北角和炮台山段的英皇道兩旁，從前亦有多間翻版碟店，不過，阿森形容，第一代的翻版中心就在國都的遊戲店內。當年仍未流行CD和VCD，但國都已在賣翻版遊戲碟，在那個玩任天堂和「超任」的時代，正版遊戲要賣300多元，國都廣場則有10多元一套的翻版貨；「超任」遊戲使用普通電腦磁碟，顧客都習慣自備磁碟，到國都的遊戲店付錢抄錄副本，比買現成抄好的更便宜。

森記圖書 舊商場．貓．書香

若非有這些舊式商場和不太計算成本效益的老業主，森記圖書公司大概亦無法留存至今。英皇中心商場地庫，陳舊不起眼，但1978年森記在此開業時，大廈是簇新的，書香裏，歲月靜好，老闆陳小姐在森記一留就30幾年。

陳小姐當年亦是在炮台山讀書的中學生，她很記得第一次到森記就喜歡，「好靜，少人，好舒服，我中學同學在森記做兼職店員，我跟他說，如果你不做了就介紹我去做」。未幾同學真的辭工，她得償所願，完成中學課程後老闆請她轉全職，她本來打算做一段時間，儲夠學費就讀大學，不料太熱愛這份工作，「有書、有音樂、有貓，我最喜歡的三樣東西都齊了，在別處還能找到這樣的好工嗎？」年復年的遲疑不去，結果至今都沒上大學，但也自覺無甚損失，因為埋首書堆，一樣有她渴求的知識和智慧。80年代末老闆移民，便把生意交給她打理。

想所有書也曝光

森記的書架，陳列得跟一般書店最不同的，是無論暢銷與否、作者名氣大不大，每種書都只放一本出來，賣出了就要辛苦地從書架後翻出存貨補充，「每個人的偏好都不同，你不知道可以啟發他的那句句子藏在哪本書裏，所以我想盡量擺最多種類的書給人選擇。有些人覺得花多眼亂，其實你的心靜下來，就會找到適合自己的那本」。

陳小姐愛貓，這些年來收養了十幾隻貓在舖內，也有很多貓陳設，森記一度被追捧為「賞貓」熱點，但她其實不愛以貓作招徠，貼出告示希望客人不要玩貓，怕打擾了貓的生活和專心看書的人。

炮台山站撥歸新線？

炮台山地勢陡峭，地鐵站旁的長樓梯一直是區內地標。百多級樓梯連接地鐵站和半山的屋苑，是很多居民的必經之路，多年來區議員持續爭取，直至約八、九年前才成功在旁邊加建兩部升降機，惟因地鐵公司反對，升降機不能直達地底大堂，以致對出的過路口經常人流擠擁。

炮台山地鐵站的設計亦甚奇特，A出口跟B出口相距只約20米，還座落同一邊馬路上，若在其他地鐵站，應該只算作A1和A2出口吧？Natalie在炮台山成長，認為地鐵公司一直忽略炮台山居民的需要；最近的鐵路發展諮詢裏，建議北港島線於北角站「換線」的方案，將炮台山站撥歸北港島線，更可能令炮台山站使用者前往港島中西部及荃灣線時非常不便；為了保衛自己成長的社區，她計劃短期內在地鐵站口擺街站，宣傳新鐵路發展對炮台山人的影響。

油街藝術空間能延續嗎？

若舊國都廣場是遊戲界的神話，90年代的油街藝術村就是藝術界的傳奇，唯兩者都已一去不返。電氣道與油街交界的這排紅磚屋有逾百年歷史，是目前唯一一幢座落於北角原始海岸線上的建築物，最初是皇家香港遊艇會會所，該會1938年遷往銅鑼灣的奇力島，建築物就交予政府使用。政府於紅磚屋前的新填海地建了一座9層高的物料供應處倉庫，紅磚屋作員工宿舍，至1998年遷出。

其時正值亞洲金融風暴，地皮賣出去也不值錢，政府就以1元呎價優惠出租倉庫大廈。20呎的高樓底、3000呎開放式的空間，對藝術創作者來說直是天堂，吸引約30個藝術或創意工業相關的單位進駐，包括進念二十面體、Videotage、1a space、前進進等，成為香港第一個藝術村。各式展覽、live band、時裝表演、藝術家聚會每天在此上演，公眾亦慕名前來參觀。自由氣氛原是藝術村命脈所在，然而政府最怕「無王管」，藝術村只生存了短短18個月，地皮就被收回，一直丟空。

草地繼續開放

前年政府宣布以約63億將油街地皮批予長實旗下公司，並已通過清拆倉庫大廈，於原址發展6幢住宅及一幢酒店的計劃。紅磚屋則保留作藝術用途，項目稱為「油街實現」，舉辦藝術展覽和社區活動，由康文署轄下藝術推廣辦事處籌劃，將於本月22日正式開放。觀乎項目簡介，署方似亦注意到牛棚藝術村欠社區連結的批評，多番強調要拉近藝術與社群生活的距離。效果如何，尚要看實際操作；至少署方承諾了，這片綠油油的小草地，街坊公眾可以隨便坐臥享用。

文 林茵

圖 林俊源、林茵

編輯 方曉盈

What China and Russia Don't Get About Soft Power

Beijing and Moscow are trying their hands at attraction, and failing -- miserably.

BY JOSEPH S. NYE | APRIL 29, 2013

When Foreign Policy first published my essay "Soft Power" in 1990, who would have expected that someday the term would be used by the likes of Hu Jintao or Vladimir Putin? Yet Hu told the Chinese Communist Party in 2007 that China needed to increase its soft power, and Putin recently urged Russian diplomats to apply soft power more extensively. Neither leader, however, seems to have understood how to accomplish his goals.

Power is the ability to affect others to get the outcomes one wants, and that can be accomplished in three main ways -- by coercion, payment, or attraction. If you can add the soft power of attraction to your toolkit, you can economize on carrots and sticks. For a rising power like China whose growing economic and military might frightens its neighbors into counter-balancing coalitions, a smart strategy includes soft power to make China look less frightening and the balancing coalitions less effective. For a declining power like Russia (or Britain before it), a residual soft power helps to cushion the fall.

The soft power of a country rests primarily on three resources: its culture (in places where it is attractive to others), its political values (when it lives up to them at home and abroad), and its foreign policies (when they are seen as legitimate and having moral authority). But combining these resources is not always easy.

Establishing, say, a Confucius Institute in Manila to teach Chinese culture might help produce soft power, but it is less likely to do so in a context where China has just bullied the Philippines over possession of Scarborough Reef. Similarly, Putin has told his diplomats that "the priority has been shifting to the literate use of soft power, strengthening positions of the Russian language," but as Russian scholar Sergei Karaganov noted in the aftermath of the dispute with Georgia, Russia has to use "hard power, including military force, because it lives in a much more dangerous world ... and because it has little soft power -- that is, social, cultural, political and economic attractiveness."

Much of America's soft power is produced by civil society -- everything from universities and foundations to Hollywood and pop culture -- not from the government. Sometimes the United States is able to preserve a degree of soft power because of its critical and uncensored civil society even when government actions -- like the invasion of Iraq -- are otherwise undermining it. But in a smart power strategy, hard and soft reinforce each other.

In his new book, China Goes Global, George Washington University's David Shambaugh shows how China has spent billions of dollars on a charm offensive to increase its soft power. Chinese aid programs to Africa and Latin America are not limited by the institutional or human rights concerns that constrain Western aid. The Chinese style emphasizes high-profile gestures. But for all its efforts, China has earned a limited return on its investment. Polls show that opinions of China's influence are positive in much of Africa and Latin America, but predominantly negative in the United States, Europe, as well as India, Japan and South Korea.

Even China's soft-power triumphs, such as the 2008 Beijing Olympics, have quickly turned stale. Not long after the last international athletes had departed, China's domestic crackdown on human rights activists undercut its soft power gains. Again in 2009, the Shanghai Expo was a great success, but it was followed by the jailing of Nobel Peace Laureate Liu Xiaobo and screens were dominated by scenes of an empty chair at the Oslo ceremonies. Putin might likewise count on a soft power boost from the Sochi Olympics, but if he continues to repress dissent, he, too, is likely to step on his own message.

China and Russia make the mistake of thinking that government is the main instrument of soft power. In today's world, information is not scarce but attention is, and attention depends on credibility. Government propaganda is rarely credible. The best propaganda is not propaganda. For all the efforts to turn Xinhua and China Central Television into competitors to CNN and the BBC, there is little international audience for brittle propaganda. As the Economist noted about China, "the party has not bought into Mr. Nye's view that soft power springs largely from individuals, the private sector, and civil society. So the government has taken to promoting ancient cultural icons whom it thinks might have global appeal." But soft power doesn't work that way. As Pang Zhongying of Renmin University put it, it highlights "a poverty of thought" among Chinese leaders.

The development of soft power need not be a zero-sum game. All countries can gain from finding each other attractive. But for China and Russia to succeed, they will need to match words and deeds in their policies, be self-critical, and unleash the full talents of their civil societies. Unfortunately, that is not about to happen soon.